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Current Directions in Psychological Science, 13, — Ross, L. The intuitive psychologist and his shortcomings. Berkowitz Ed. Silvia, P. Interest and interests: The psychology of constructive capriciousness. Review of General Psychology, 5, — Zuckerman, M. Behavioral expressions and biosocial bases of sensation seeking. New York: Cambridge University Press. GROSSMAN Unfortunately, the formal structure of most clinical theories of the past has been haphazard and unsystematic; concepts often were vague, and procedures by which empirical consequences could be derived were tenuous, at best.

Instead of presenting an orderly arrangement of concepts and propositions by which hypotheses could be clearly derived, most theorists presented a loosely formulated pastiche of opinions, analogies, and speculations. Brilliant as many of these speculations may have been, they often have left the reader dazzled rather than illuminated.

Though many theories in personality generated brilliant deductions and insights, few of these ideas could be attributed to their structure, the clarity of their central principles, the precision of their concepts, or their formal procedures for hypothesis derivation.

It is here where the concepts and laws of adjacent sciences may come into play, providing models of structure and derivation that may undergird and parallel the principles and observations of personology. A unifying theory for personology must coalesce the disparate schools of personality study, not in a haphazard way that merely identifies or records their separate contributions, but in a manner that integrates alternative perspectives at a deeper level, that is, one that synthesizes the several viewpoints intrinsically.

Whereas eclectic approaches have as their benefit the advantages of open-mindedness and comprehensiveness, they are likely to generate little more than a measure of illusory psychic comfort. A substantively unifying paradigm will interweave fundamental relationships that exist among the cognitive, biological, intrapsychic, and behavioral elements that inhere in the person.

This will, for example, generate synergistic therapeutic strategies such as those that have been demonstrated by employing combinatorial treatment approaches e. However, even more synergy is possible and desirable. Theories that focus their attention on only one level of data e. Unrelated knowledge and techniques, especially those based on surface similarities, are a sign of a primitive science, as has been effectively argued by modern philosophers of science.

All natural sciences have organizing principles that not only create order but also provide the basis for generating hypotheses and stimulating new knowledge. It is unfortunate that the number of theories that have been advanced to explain clinical phenomena is directly proportional to the internecine squabbling found in the literature.

Of course, formal theory should not be pushed far beyond the data, and its derivations should be linked wherever feasible to established observations. However, even a reasonable speculative framework can be a compelling instrument for helping coordinate and give consonance to complex and diverse observations—if its concepts are linked where possible to relevant facts in the empirical world.

By probing beneath surface impressions to inner structures and processes, previously isolated facts and difficult-to-fathom data may yield new relationships and expose clearer meanings. Progress does not advance by brute empiricism alone, that is, by merely piling up more descriptive and more experimental data. What is elaborated and refined in theory is understanding, an ability to see relations more plainly, to conceptualize categories more accurately, and to create greater overall coherence in a subject, that is, to integrate its elements in a more logical, consistent, and intelligible fashion.

Contrariwise, those who endorse a single-level approach assert that theories that seek to encompass the totality of personality structure and functions will sink in a sea of data that can be neither charted conceptually nor navigated methodologically. Clearly, those who undertake to propose integrative or holistic theories are faced with the formidable task not only of exposing the inadequacies of single-level theories but of providing a convincing alternative that is both comprehensive and systematic.

In this chapter, we will go beyond current conceptual boundaries in personology and incorporate the contributions of more firmly grounded adjacent sciences. We believe that much of psychology remains adrift, divorced from broader spheres of scientific knowledge, isolated from deeper and more fundamental, if not universal, principles.

Psychology has built a patchwork quilt of dissonant concepts and diverse data domains. Preoccupied with but a small part of the larger pie, or fearing accusations of reductionism, we have failed to draw on the rich possibilities that may be found in both historic and adjacent realms of scholarly pursuit. With notable exceptions, there are few cohering concepts that would connect current personologic topics to those of our sister sciences of nature. We seem trapped in obsessed with?

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Integrative schemata and cohesive constructs that link relevant personologic observations to other fields of science are needed. This goal—albeit a rather grandiose one—would be to refashion our patchwork quilt into a well-tailored and cohesive tapestry that interweaves the diverse forms in which nature expresses itself.

No better sphere within the psychological sciences undertakes such a synthesis than the subject matter of personology, the study of persons. Persons are the only organically integrated system in the psychological domain, evolved through the millennia and inherently created from birth as natural entities rather than culture-bound and experience-derived gestalts.

The intrinsic cohesion of persons is not merely a rhetorical construction but an authentic substantive unity. Personologic features may be differentiated into normal or pathological and may be partitioned conceptually for pragmatic or scientific purposes, but they are segments of an inseparable biopsychosocial entity. Arguing in favor of establishing explicit links between the several domains of personologic science calls neither for a reductionistic philosophy, a belief in substantive identicality, or efforts to so fashion such links by formal logic.

Rather, one should aspire to their substantive concordance, empirical consistency, conceptual interfacing, convergent dialogues, and mutual enlightenment. The remainder of this chapter will attempt to address several key questions concerning the nature of personology, its foundations, and future directions. Integrative consonance such as previously described is not an aspiration limited to the physical sciences but is a worthy goal within personologic science as well.

If personology is ever to become a full-fledged science, rather than a potpourri of miscellaneous observations and ideas, the overall and ultimate architecture of the field must be comprehensively structured, that is, given a scaffold or framework within which its diverse elements and principles can be located and coordinated.

For example, personality traits or types should not stand alone, unconnected to other realms of scientific discourse.

They should be anchored to an empirically supportable theory, on the one hand, and prove instrumental for clinical assessment and pragmatic for therapeutic action, on the other.

The overall arrangement of personology should seek to coordinate all of the separate realms that make up its scientific and applied efforts, namely a foundation in the universal laws of nature, a coordinated psychological theory, a derivable taxonomic classification, a series of operational assessment tools, and a flexible yet integrated group of remediation techniques. As recorded in Millon , rather than developing independently and being left to stand as autonomous and largely unconnected functions, a truly mature personologic science, one that is designed to create a synergistic bond between its components, will be structured explicitly to embody the following five elements: Universal scientific principles, that is, it should be grounded in the ubiquitous laws of nature.

Despite varied forms of expression in physics, chemistry, psychology, for example , these principles should reflect fundamental evolutionary processes and thereby provide an undergirding framework for guiding and constructing subject-oriented theories.

This theory should be consistent with established knowledge in both its own and related sciences e. These should provide a cohesive organization within which its major categories can be readily grouped and differentiated, permitting thereby the development of relevant and coordinated assessment instruments.

Integrated clinical and personality assessment tools, that is, instruments that are empirically grounded and quantitatively sensitive.


Personalized therapeutic interventions, that is, coordinated strategies and modalities of treatment. These should be designed in accord with the theory, incorporate and synthesize diverse therapeutic techniques interpersonal, cognitive, intrapsychic, biochemical , and be oriented to modify both problematic clinical and personologic characteristics, consonant with professional standards and social responsibilities.

The coordination of all five elements i. Working together, these components will produce integrated knowledge that is greater than the sum of its individual constituent parts.

It is the synthesis of these structural elements that have been disconnected and pursued independently in the twentieth century that is sought. Just as each person is an intrinsic unity, each component of a personologic science should not remain a separate element of a potpourri of unconnected parts.

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Rather, each facet of our work should be integrated into a gestalt, a coupled and coordinated unity in which the whole becomes more informative and useful than its individual parts. In our view, all basic or applied sciences physics, engineering, personology are outgrowths of a common conceptual 5 grounding in evolution theory.

All disciplines of science, once achieving sufficient maturity, are natural expressions of the operation of evolutionary principles. With reference to the preceding discussion of the structure of a science, each of these disciplines is composed of subject-area theories e.

As noted in prior paragraphs, we believe that only when all of the structural components of a science are articulated and coordinated can a science and its research techniques achieve full empirical validity and instrumental efficacy. We are reaching a time, we believe, when our knowledge of personology can be structured in a manner akin to our more advanced sciences. By employing universal principles of evolutionary theory as a guide to understanding the components of personality study, we can begin to formulate theoretical conceptual hypotheses that will explain our subject domain.

Such principles also will enable us to construct a taxonomic system derived from the theory and assessment tools that can identify the categories and dimensions composing the taxonomy and then point to the clinical characteristics that will serve as therapeutic targets. In effect, a substantive clinical paradigm based on evolutionary principles that is structured in this manner will furnish a guide to where, how, and which research investigations and treatment interventions are wisest to employ.

Failing to build a substantive and structured paradigm will keep us on the same scattered and helter-skelter course that has plagued the field of personality study since time immemorial. Assuredly, brilliant theoretical ideas have been proposed in the past, as have classification systems and instruments been generated as well as imaginative therapies developed, but our field remains stuck in a babel of conflicting and confusing perspectives in which little has changed in the past half-century and little has been synthesized or structured logically.

Integrating the several structural components that make up a personologic science, aligned with a generative substantive paradigm such as evolutionary theory, will provide us with an overarching framework worthy of our collaborative efforts.

The role of evolution may be most clearly grasped when it is paired with the principles of ecology. So conceived, the procession of evolution in physics, chemistry, and biology represents a series of serendipitous transformations in the structure of a phenomenon for example, elementary particle, chemical molecule, living organism that appear to promote survival in both its current and its future environments 6 Goals of a Theory of Personality Millon, Such processions usually stem from the consequences of either random fluctuations such as mutations or replicative reformations for example, recombinant mating among an infinite number of possibilities—some simpler and others more complex, some more and others less organized, some increasingly specialized and others not.

Evolution is defined, then, when these restructurings enable a natural entity for example, a biological species or its subsequent variants to survive within present and succeeding ecologic milieus. It is the continuity through time of these fluctuations and reformations that makes up the sequence we characterize as evolutionary progression. Contemporary formulations by psychologists have likewise proposed the potentials and analyzed the problems involved in cohering evolutionary notions, individual differences, and personality traits e.

It represents a field of science and study that defines and encompasses the broad subject of personality. The common goal among personologic scientists is not only the desire to apply common principles across diverse scientific realms but also to reduce the enormous range of personality concepts that have proliferated through history; this might be achieved by exploring the power of evolutionary theory to simplify and order previously disparate features.

For example, all organisms seek to avoid injury, find nourishment, and reproduce their kind if they are to survive and maintain their populations.

Each species displays commonalities in its adaptive or survival style. Within each species, however, there are differences in style and differences in the success with which its various members adapt to the diverse and changing environments they face.

In these simplest of terms, personality would be employed as a term to represent the more or less distinctive style of adaptive functioning that a particular organism of a species exhibits as its relates to its typical range of environments.

Normal personalities, so conceived, would signify the utilization of species-specific modes of adaptation that are effective in average or expectable environments. Disorders of personality, or what we would pre- fer to term pathological personality patterns, would represent different ways of maladaptive functioning that can be traced to psychic deficiencies, trait imbalances, or internal conflicts that characterize some members of a species as they relate to the environment they routinely face.

During its life history an organism develops an assemblage of traits that contribute to its individual survival and reproductive success, the two essential components of fitness formulated by Darwin. Such assemblages, termed complex adaptations and strategies in the literature of evolutionary ecology, are close biological equivalents to what we in psychology have conceptualized as personality styles.

In biology, explanations of a life-history strategy of adaptations refer primarily to biogenic variations among constituent traits, their overall covariance structure, and the nature and ratio of favorable to unfavorable ecologic resources that have been available for purposes of extending longevity and optimizing reproduction. Such explanations are not appreciably different from those used to account for the development of normal and pathological personality styles.

At any point in time, a species will possess a limited set of genes that serve as trait potentials. Over time the salience of these trait potentials—not the proportion of the genes themselves—will become differentially prominent as the organism interacts with its environments, learning from these experiences which of its traits fit best, that is, are optimally suited to its ecosystem. In phylogenesis, then, actual gene frequencies change during the generation-to-generation adaptive process, whereas in ontogenesis it is the salience or prominence of gene-based traits that changes as adaptive learning takes place.

Parallel evolutionary processes occur, one within the many generations of life of a species, the other within the limited life of a single organism. What is seen in the individual organism is a shaping of latent potentials in adaptive and manifest styles of perceiving, feeling, thinking, and acting; these learned and distinctive ways of adaptation, engendered by the interaction of biologic endowment and social experience, constitute, in our view, the elements of what are termed personality styles, normal or abnormal.

Each were worthy endeavors to advance our understanding of human nature; this they did by exploring interconnections between scientific disciplines that evolved ostensibly unrelated bodies of research and manifestly dissimilar languages. Pre-Darwinian theorists such as Linnaeus limited themselves to apparent similarities and differences between animals as a means of constructing their taxonomic categories.

Darwin was not seduced by overt appearances. Rather, he sought to understand the principles by which these surface features came about. His classifications were based not only on descriptive qualities but on theoretically explanatory ones. The principles employed are similar to those that Darwin developed in explicating the origins of species. However, these efforts seek not to derive the origins of species, but the structure and style of each of the normal styles and clinical personality syndromes described in the ICD and Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association, , each of which were based on psychiatric observation and inference alone.

Aspects of the brief formulations recorded here have been elaborated in numerous published books by the senior author Millon, , , ; Millon with Davis, ; Millon et al. A rough model concerning the styles of clinical and personality patterns may be derived with reference to four spheres in which evolutionary and ecological principles are operative.

They have been labeled existence, adaptation, replication, and abstraction. Existence relates to the serendipitous transformation of states that are more ephemeral, less organized, or both into those possessing greater stability, greater organization, or both. It pertains to the formation and sustenance of discernible phenomena, to the processes of evolution that enhance and preserve life, and to the psychic polarity that I have termed pleasure and pain.

Adaptation refers to homeostatic processes employed to foster survival in open ecosystems. It relates to the manner in which extant phenomena adapt to their surrounding ecosystems, to the mechanisms employed in accommodating to or in modifying these environments, 7 and to the psychic polarity termed passivity and activity. Replication pertains to reproductive styles that maximize the diversification and selection of ecologically effective attributes.

It refers to the strategies utilized to replicate ephemeral organisms, to the methods of maximizing reproductive propagation and progeny nurturance, and to the psychic polarity labeled as self and other. Abstraction incorporates the sources employed to gather knowledge about the experiences of life and the manner in which this information is registered and transformed.

Here, we are looking at styles of cognizing— differences first in what people attend to in order to learn about life and second how they process information; that is, what they do cognitively to record this knowledge and make it useful to themselves. They constitute the reflective capacity to transcend the immediate and concrete; how they interrelate and synthesize the diversity of experience; how they represent events and processes symbolically; and how they weigh, reason, and anticipate.

As noted, the polarities articulated here in evolutionary terms have forerunners in psychological theory that may be traced back to the early s. A number of pre—World War I theorists proposed a set of three parallel polarities that were used time and again as the raw materials for constructing psychological processes.

The culling of that which we call personality from a universe of influences takes place through the addition of successive constraints on system functioning.

Each child displays a wide variety of behaviors in the first years of life. Although exhibiting a measure of consistency consonant with his or her constitutional disposition, the way in which the child responds to and copes with the environment tends to be largely 8 Goals of a Theory of Personality spontaneous, changeable, and unpredictable.

These seemingly random and capricious behaviors serve an important exploratory function. The child is trying out a variety of behavioral alternatives for dealing with his or her environment. Over time the child begins to discern which of these actions enable him to achieve his or her desires and avoid discomforts.

Endowed with certain capacities, energies, and temperaments, and through experience with parents, siblings, relatives, and peers, the child learns to discriminate which activities are both permissible and rewarding and which are not.

These learned behaviors not only persist but are accentuated as a result of being repetitively reinforced by a limited social environment. Given continuity in constitutional equipment and a narrow band of experiences for learning behavioral alternatives, the child acquires a pattern of traits that are deeply etched and difficult to modify.

The interaction between biological and psychological factors is not unidirectional such that biological determinants always precede and influence the course of learning; the order of effects may be reversed, especially in early development.

Biological maturation is dependent on favorable environmental experience, and the development of the biological substrate itself can be disrupted, even totally arrested, by depriving the maturing organism of stimulation at sensitive periods of neurological growth.

Nevertheless, there is an intrinsic continuity throughout life. The authors contend that childhood events are more significant to personality formation than later events and that later behaviors are related in a determinant way to early experience. Despite an occasional disjunction in development, there is an orderly and sequential continuity, fostered by mechanisms of self-perpetuation and social reinforcement, that links the past to the present.

Deeply embedded behavior patterns may arise as a consequence of psychological experiences that affect developing biological structures so profoundly as to transform them into something substantially different from what they might otherwise have been. Circumstances that exert so profound an effect are usually those experienced during infancy and early childhood, a view persuasively articulated in the seminal writings of Freud at the turn of the century.

The observations of ethologists on the consequences of early stimulation upon adult animal behaviors add substantial evidence for this position Rakic, , Experimental work on early developmental periods also has shown that environmental stimulation is crucial to the neurological maturation of psychological functions.

What evidence is there that serious consequences may result from an inadequate supply of early psychological and psychosensory stimulation? Numerous investigators e. For example, primates reared in isolation tend to be deficient in traits such as emotionality, activity level, social behavior, curiosity, and learning ability. As adult organisms they possess a reduced capacity to cope with their environments, to discriminate essentials, to devise strategies, and to manage stress.

Conversely, intense levels of early stimulation also appear to have effects, at least as experimentally demonstrated in lower mammalian species. Several investigators have demonstrated that enriched environments in early life resulted in measurable changes in brain chemistry and brain weight. Others have found that early stimulation accelerated the maturation of the pituitary-adrenal system, whereas equivalent later stimulation was ineffective.

On the behavioral level, enriched environments in animals enhance problem-solving abilities and the capacity to withstand stress. More interesting, however, is the possibility that some kinds of overstimulation may produce detrimental effects.

Accordingly, excess stimulation would result in overdevelopments in neurobiological substrates that are disruptive to effective psychological functioning. Just as excess food leads to obesity and physical ill health, so, too, may the psychostimulation of certain neural substrates, such as those subserving emotional reactivity, dispose the organism to overreact to social situations.

Thus, when neurological dispositions that subserve potentially problematic personality traits become prepotent, they may disrupt what would otherwise be a more balanced pattern of psychological functioning. Another and related question to be posed is does the timing of environmental events have any bearing on their effect? The concept of sensitive periods of development states that there are limited time periods during which particular stimuli are necessary for the full maturation of an organism, after which they will have minimal or no effects.

Without the requisite stimulation, the organism will suffer various malde- What Are the Origins of Normal Styles and Pathological Patterns of Personality? The senior author has proposed four neurodevelopmental stages through which individual human organisms progress that are paralleled by a set of four psychosocial tasks that must be fulfilled to achieve adequate growth in later life.

The first three pairings of stages and tasks, and in part the fourth as well, are shared by all mammalian species; they recapitulate the four evolution phases referred to earlier: existence, adaptation, replication, and abstraction. Each evolutionary phase has its ontogenetic parallel; that is, each individual organism moves through neurodevelopmental stages that have functional psychological capacities related to their respective phases of evolution.

Within each stage, every individual acquires personologic dispositions representing a balance or predilection toward one of the two polarity inclinations; which inclination emerges as dominant over time results from the inextricable and reciprocal interplay of intraorganismic and extraorganismic factors.

Thus, during early infancy, the primary organismic function is to continue to exist. Here, each evolution phase has supplied two contrasting polarity components that orient the infant toward life-enhancing environments pleasure and away from life-threatening ones pain. Personality development should be coordinated with several fundamental polarity orientations derived from evolutionary principles. Although four seemingly distinct stages of neurodevelopment have been differentiated as sequential stages, it is important to state at the outset that all four stages and their related evolutionary functions begin in utero and continue throughout life, that is, they proceed simultaneously and overlap throughout the ontogenetic process.

For example, the elements that give shape to gender identity are underway during the sensory-attachment phase, although at a modest level, as do the elements that give rise to attachment behaviors continue and extend well into puberty. Stages are differentiated only to bring attention to periods of development when certain processes and tasks are prominent and central. The concept of sensitive periods implies that developmental stages are not exclusionary; rather, they merely demarcate a period in life when certain developmental potentialities are salient in their maturation and in their receptivity to relevant life experiences.

Note again that each evolutionary phase is related to a different stage of ontogenetic development.

For example, life enhancement—life preservation corresponds to the sensory-attachment stage of development in that the latter represents a period when the young child learns to discrim- 9 inate between those experiences that are enhancing pleasurable and those that are threatening painful. As evident in the foregoing, it would have been an error to leave the discussion of evolutionary-neuropsychological development with the impression that personality growth was merely a function of stimulation at sensitive maturational periods.

Impoverishment and enrichment have their profound effects, but the quality or kind of stimulation the youngster experiences is often of greater importance. The impact of parental harshness or inconsistency, of sibling rivalry or social failure, is more than a matter of stimulus volume and timing. Different dimensions of experience take precedence as the meaning conveyed by the source of stimulation becomes clear to the growing child.

Both neurological and learning concepts can be utilized to describe changes in response probabilities arising from prior stimulus exposure. But, because learning concepts are formulated in terms of behavior-environment interactions, it is reasonable, when discussing the specific properties of qualitatively discriminable stimulus events, to utilize the conceptual language of learning. Moreover, the principles derived from learning theory and research describe subtle features of psychological behavior that cannot begin to be handled intelligently in neurological terms.

Moreover, further reason for the stage-specific significance of experience is the observation that children are exposed to a succession of psychosocial tasks that they are expected to fulfill at different points in the neurodevelopmental sequence. These stage-specific tasks are timed to coincide with periods of rapid neurological growth e.

In short, a reciprocity appears between periods of rapid neurological growth and exposure to related experiences and tasks. Children are especially vulnerable at these critical stages because experience both shapes their neurological patterns and results in learning a series of fundamental attitudes about themselves and others.

The sensorimotor-autonomy stage, when the progression from passive to active modes of adaptation occurs, is noted by learning attitudes concerning adaptive confidence. During the pubertal gender-identity stage when the separation between self and other roles is sharpened, we see the development of reasonably distinct sexual roles. The intracortical-integrative 10 Goals of a Theory of Personality stage, when the coordination between intellectual and affective processes develops, is characterized by the acquisition of a balance between reason and emotion.

The premise that early experience plays a central role in shaping personality attributes is one shared by numerous theorists. To say the preceding, however, is not to agree as to which specific factors during these developing years are critical in generating particular attributes, nor is it to agree that known formative influences are either necessary or sufficient.

There is reason to ask whether developmental analysis is even possible in personality studies in light of the complex and variable character of developmental influences. Can this most fundamental of scientific activities be achieved given that we are dealing with an interactive and sequential chain of causes composed of inherently inexact data of a highly probabilistic nature in which even the very slightest variation in context or antecedent condition often of a minor or random character produces highly divergent outcomes?

Because this looseness in the causal network of variables is unavoidable, are there any grounds for believing that such endeavors could prove more than illusory? Further, will the careful study of individuals reveal repetitive patterns of personologic congruence, no less consistency among the origins of such diverse attributes as overt behavior, intrapsychic functioning, and biophysical disposition?

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And will attribute commonalities and coherence prove to be valid phenomena, that is, not merely imposed upon observed data by virtue of observational expectation or theoretical bias? The yearning among researchers and theorists of all viewpoints for a neat package of developmental influences simply cannot be reconciled with the complex philosophical issues, methodological quandaries, and difficult-to-disentangle subtle and random factors that give shape to personality.

In the main, almost all developmental theses today are, at best, perceptive conjectures that ultimately rest on tenuous empirical grounds, reflecting the views of divergent schools of thought positing their favorite hypotheses. These speculative notions should be conceived as questions that deserve continued evaluation rather than promulgated as the gospel of confirmed fact. It should be noted that data and inferences concerning past experiences, especially those of early childhood, are of limited, if not dubious, value.

For example, events and relationships of the first years of life are notably unreliable, owing to the lack of clarity of retrospective memories. What is recalled, then, draws upon a highly ambiguous palette of diffuse images and affects, a source of which recaptured content is readily subject both to direct and to subtle promptings from contemporary sources, for example, a theoretically oriented researcher or therapist.

Arguments pointing to thematic or logical continuities between the character of early experience and later behaviors, no matter how intuitively rational or consonant with established principles they may be, do not provide unequivocal evidence for their causal connections.

Different, and equally convincing, developmental hypotheses can be and are posited. Each contemporary explication of the origins of most personality disorders is persuasive yet remains but one among several plausible possibilities.

For pedagogical purposes, personality can be heuristically decomposed into various trait domains. Although these facilitate clinical investigation and experimental research, no such division exists in reality.

Personality development represents the complex interplay of elements within and across each of these domains.

Not only is there an interaction between person and environment, there also are interactions and complex feedback loops operating within the person as well at levels of organization both biological and psychological.

Because all scientific theories are to some extent simplifications of reality—the map rather than the territory—all theories involve trade-offs between scope and precision. Most modern developmental models are organismic and contextual in character.

By embracing a multitrait model we might aspire to completely explain personality development as a totality. However, we must simultaneously accept the impossibility of any such explanation.Eye color change with mood.

To retain what has been 11 wrought through history, each group must devise ways of molding its children to fit in, that is, to accept and perpetuate the system of prohibitions and sanctions that earlier group members have developed to meet the persistent tasks of life. A rough model concerning the styles of clinical and personality patterns may be derived with reference to four spheres in which evolutionary and ecological principles are operative. The great gatsby publisher city.

Stop downloading english us. We asked Richard W. Brilliant as many of these speculations may have been, they often have left the reader dazzled rather than illuminated. So conceived, the procession of evolution in physics, chemistry, and biology represents a series of serendipitous transformations in the structure of a phenomenon for example, elementary particle, chemical molecule, living organism that appear to promote survival in both its current and its future environments 6 Goals of a Theory of Personality Millon, Impoverishment and enrichment have their profound effects, but the quality or kind of stimulation the youngster experiences is often of greater importance.

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